ISLAMABAD -- When
Asif Ali Zardari won the presidency last year, he vowed to unite this fractious
country after nearly a decade of military rule. Instead, Mr. Zardari is
emerging as a divisive figure at a time when Pakistan faces a rising Islamist
insurgency and a stuttering economy.
The widower of
slain former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto is alienating both allies and foes.
Even his personal style has turned off supporters of his wife -- some of whom
serve in his government but are now reluctant to deal with him directly. At
meetings in recent months, according to several witnesses, he lashed out at
senior ministers, calling one a "witch" and another
"impotent."
Protests in
Pakistan
Associated
Press
On Wednesday,
Pakistan was plunged into fresh political turmoil when the Supreme Court barred
from elected office former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, the country's leading
opposition politician, citing a past criminal conviction. The court also barred
Mr. Sharif's brother, Shahbaz Sharif, from office, effectively unseating him as
chief minister of Punjab, Pakistan's largest and most powerful province.
Following the decision, Mr. Zardari dismissed Punjab's state government and
imposed executive rule in the province, sparking demonstrations in several
cities
"It is a
political decision given on the directives of Mr. Zardari," Nawaz Sharif,
a former prime minister still popular across Pakistan, said at a news
conference at his residence in Lahore. "It is a conspiracy to keep me out
of politics."
Several
government officials and Western diplomats say the friction caused by Mr.
Zardari's rule is weakening the government and diminishing Pakistan's ability
to solve the thicket of challenges it faces.
Wednesday's
developments triggered a 5% drop in Pakistan's benchmark stock index in Karachi
on the expectation of political tensions and possible street violence. The
prospect of Mr. Sharif and his supporters leading a campaign against Mr.
Zardari is likely to concern Washington. The Obama administration wants the
president and his top officials focused on countering the threat posed by al
Qaeda and the Taliban -- not contending with domestic political unrest.
Since taking over
the presidency last September, Mr. Zardari has surrounded himself with a small
cadre of advisers, many of them unelected, including family members and
associates whom Mr. Zardari got to know in jail or in exile, leaving even
government officials unsure of who runs what. Among the members of Mr. Zardari's
inner circle: his former physician, Dr. Asim Hussain, who in addition to
running a hospital in Karachi is the government's adviser on petroleum affairs
and runs the oil ministry, despite having no background in the industry.
Pakistan's Problems
·
Political Turmoil: Fresh tensions arose Wednesday after the Supreme Court banned a
key opposition leader from contesting elections.
·
Sputtering Economy: Pakistan was forced to seek a $7.6 billion rescue package from
the IMF in November.
·
Mumbai Fallout: November's attack on Mumbai, blamed on an Islamic militant
group based in Pakistan, set back peace efforts with New Delhi.
·
Taliban Troubles: In the Swat Valley, hours from Islamabad, authorities agreed to
impose Islamic law, yielding to a key demand of a Taliban faction. The Taliban
have stepped up attacks on convoys supplying U.S. troops in Afghanistan.
More
·
Zardari Imposes Federal Rule in
Punjab
·
Taliban Extend Truce, Gain Sway
Mr. Zardari, 53
years old, declined to be interviewed for this story. A spokesman, Farhatullah
Babar, said Mr. Zardari is seeking to bring the best people into Pakistan's
government. He also said the president had never "used intemperate
language" with colleagues.
"Far from
endorsing infighting and general nastiness, President Zardari is seeking to
melt away the bitterness of the past," Mr. Babar said in an email.
In one recent
controversial move, officials effectively yielded to a key Taliban demand and
agreed to impose Islamic law in the Swat Valley. The region, located a few
hours' drive northwest of the capital, until two years ago was best known as an
alpine weekend getaway.
The government of
the North West Frontier Province, where Swat is located, opted this month for a
truce with the Taliban faction fighting in the valley, even though a similar deal
collapsed after only a few weeks last year. Mr. Zardari initially opposed the
deal, say officials. But with the army losing ground, he concluded he had
"no other option but to go along with the decision of a beleaguered
provincial government," one of his aides said.
The truce stunned
officials in Washington, who are concerned that the war in Afghanistan will be
undermined if the insurgents have a safe haven in Pakistan from which to launch
cross-border attacks.
Mr. Zardari
emerged as Pakistan's most powerful politician in the wake of Ms. Bhutto's
December 2007 assassination. Previously, he was best known for his love of polo
and for corruption allegations that made the nickname "Mr. Ten
Percent" stick with the public. Mr. Zardari nonetheless led the PPP to
victory in elections last February.
Pakistan's
mounting problems not only worry the new administration of U.S. President
Barack Obama. They also have contributed to a sharp decline in Mr. Zardari's
own popularity. Recent opinion polls indicate the president's approval rating
has sunk to a level near that of Pervez Musharraf, the widely reviled former
general ousted from the presidency by Mr. Zardari and Mr. Sharif last summer.
Reuters
Even Mr.
Zardari's relationship with his handpicked prime minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani,
has become strained of late, several government officials say. Associates of
Mr. Gilani say the prime minister has grown frustrated at Mr. Zardari's failure
to fulfill his promise to reduce the presidency to its traditional role as head
of state, allowing the prime minister to take a bigger role in decision-making
and appointments.
Tensions came to
a head in January. Mr. Gilani fired his national security adviser, Mahmood Ali
Durrani, for acknowledging that the sole surviving gunman captured by India
during November's terrorist attack on Mumbai was Pakistani. Mr. Durrani was a
close ally of Mr. Zardari and was fired days ahead of a visit by Joseph Biden,
then U.S. vice president-elect.
Within minutes of
hearing the news, a furious Mr. Zardari phoned Mr. Gilani to demand the move be
reversed, one of the president's top aides said. When Mr. Gilani refused, the
president asked: "Can you wait at least till Joe Biden's visit to
Islamabad is over?" according to the aide. The prime minister again
refused.
Mr. Babar, the
president's spokesman, said Mr. Zardari approved the national security adviser's
firing. He dismissed talk of a split between the president and prime minister
as the talk of "PPP haters who think that their best chance to destabilize
the system is to spread rumors of a rift within."
Mr. Gilani, in an
interview during last month's World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, said
his relationship with the president was "very good." As for Mr.
Durrani's firing, Mr. Gilani said the president "has to approve it, and
therefore that was approved."
But, he added,
"I have to run the government. I'm the chief executive."
The infighting in
the government contrasts with the tenor of government under Mr. Musharraf. He
became a U.S. favorite by keeping a lid on intramural squabbles and making it
clear he was the sole decision maker in Pakistan.
Bloomberg News
Mr. Zardari's
supporters say he remains determined to restore Pakistan to a stable civilian
democracy after nine years of Mr. Musharraf's military-backed rule. He often
cites as motivation the 11 years he spent in prison in Pakistan on corruption
and murder allegations. He says these were politically motivated; most of the
allegations were dropped under an amnesty deal with President Musharraf.
On a February
visit to Peshawar, the capital of the North-West Frontier Province and a city
beset by Taliban insurgents, he told a gathering of tribal and political
leaders: "I am myself a tribesman and know what misery is. I have passed
through all such traumas for 11 years in jail."
He added:
"But I never compromised on principles and succumbed to a dictator."
Western officials
say they view Mr. Zardari's record of government to date as mixed. They credit
him with keeping the military focused on fighting the Taliban and al Qaeda and
providing intelligence to aid missile strikes on the militants by U.S. drone
aircraft. His position is a risky one because of the widespread outrage in
Pakistan over the attacks.
For now, there
appears little prospect that the powerful military, which has ruled Pakistan
for much of its 62 years as an independent nation, will intervene. It saw its
morale and reputation battered in the final days of Mr. Musharraf's rule. Gen.
Ashaq Kayani, the army chief and a veteran soldier, is determined to focus on
fighting the militants and staying out of public life, say senior civilian and
military officials and Western diplomats who often deal with him.
"I think
there's a lot of patience in the services right now to let the civilian
government take its course," said an officer at Inter-Services
Intelligence, Pakistan's premier spy agency. "The patience won't last
forever but it will last for a long time."
Mr. Zardari has
proved willing to back down on policy changes that Gen. Kayani opposes. In
November, Mr. Zardari announced that Pakistan was adopting a "no first
strike" policy for its nuclear arsenal. It was a drastic change from the
military's long stance of refusing to rule out a nuclear first strike, a
strategy designed to keep larger rival India off balance. Pakistan's top
military brass was livid.
Gen. Kayani
immediately called Mr. Zardari to say Pakistan's nuclear doctrine was
"irreversible." The policy of vagueness was restored.
Early in his
tenure, Mr. Zardari had won praise for making the tough call to eliminate
national fuel subsidies that were bankrupting Pakistan. When that didn't stanch
the flow of hard currency out of the country, he successfully negotiated with
the International Monetary Fund for $7.6 billion in loans that staved off
financial collapse.
"When I met
the president in the spring, before he was president, I came away thinking this
is the man we need," said Munir Ladha, a former board member of the
Karachi Stock Exchange and the chairman of Eastern Capital Ltd, a securities
firm.
Mr. Ladha says he
has since grown deeply disillusioned, pointing to the government's failure to
make good on a commitment to aid the collapsing Karachi Stock Exchange. At the
end of July, with shares plummeting, the government pledged to create a $635
million fund that would buoy the market by buying back stocks in seven
government-owned companies.
Ultimately, the fund
took months to materialize. By then the Pakistani stock market had fallen
sharply. The benchmark KSE-100 index is now hovering above 5,000 points, its
all-time high of more than 15,000 points reached in April 2008.
The IMF said in a
statement Wednesday that Pakistan is on track to comply with the economic
program agreed under the $7.6 billion credit facility granted in November. But
it added that the deterioration in the global economy required Pakistan's
government to "recalibrate" its fiscal and monetary policies.
Today, Mr.
Zardari rarely ventures outside the presidential palace, deep in Islamabad's
heavily secured "Red Zone," down roads blocked off from regular
traffic by police checkpoints and cement barricades. Traditions such as visiting
a local mosque during major holidays have been discarded. Mr. Zardari and top
officials instead held this year's prayers for Eid al-Adha, a major Muslim
holiday, inside the palace.
Presidential
aides say security concerns keep him inside the Red Zone and he does his best
to regularly meet with ordinary Pakistanis and local politicians inside the
palace. "Never before has the presidency been opened to all cross sections
of the diverse public," said Mr. Babar.
Some of those who
visit him there, however, say they are frequently subjected to boorish
behavior.
At a meeting in
mid-January, Mr. Zardari taunted Sen. Raza Rabbani, Pakistan's provincial
coordination minister, calling him "impotent" after the two disagreed
on how to approach allied political parties about running certain candidates in
upcoming Senate elections. "You always say no, and that is a reason why
you don't have children," the president told the 55-year-old senator,
according to multiple witnesses.
In previous
meetings, Mr. Zardari has called a senior cabinet minister a "witch"
on many occasions. He has told others to "shut up" or mocked their
personal foibles, divorces, affairs. "This is what you come to expect at
the presidency. You go there and you are insulted," said another senator
who was at the mid-January meeting. .
Officials say his
behavior is putting off people to the point where they actively try to avoid
working with him. That is keeping the government from getting things done, they
say, citing everything from shaping economic policy to deciding the future of
the tribal areas, which are ruled by the federal government.
Mr. Babar said
such criticisms were motivated by opposition to the president's reform agenda. He
described Mr. Zardari's approach to leadership as, "Forgive but do not
forget the past, arrange for the present and face the future."
—Marc
Champion contributed to this article.
Write to Matthew Rosenberg at [log in to unmask]
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